Put money where your mouth is!

Recently, Cherie Blair visited Malta and spoke at a conference 'Balancing Family and Career'. This is a subject about which we hear extensively especially when elections are around.

Since elections are part and parcel of our yearly calendar of national activities, the subject is a popular subject for conferences. Yet, unfortunately, we always tend to discuss this subject out of context about what is really going on in Malta. There are two issues that are affecting the scenario but which unfortunately are completely disregarded. I am referring to the working time directive and the maternity leave.

On these issues, we tend to differ strongly from the European tradition where health and safety issues are high on the agenda and, also where the state has a stronger commitment to ensure the welfare of the workers plus maintaining a stronger family through work-life balance.

If we take the working time directive, we tend to forget the objective behind this directive. This directive is intended to limit the working hours for health and safety reasons. There are also repercussions regarding the balance that is needed between work and family responsibilities. Yet, the effort by the EU Parliament to introduce this aspect in a more direct way, did not find the support it needed in the Council of Ministers. Basically the Directive tries to limit the working week to 48 hours per week. But the present Directive contains an opt-out clause to extend this limit to 60 hours per week if the worker agrees and in some cases even to 65 hours per week. In effect the working week limit is 60 hours per week as in reality the worker does not have the economic power to refuse if the employer so demands especially where the workers are not organised.

The recent EU Parliament’s effort was to make this Directive effective through the removal of the opt-out clause. There was a strong opposition from the Maltese government, among others, to ensure that the opt-out clause is not removed. Locally, this position has had a widespread support from all sides of the spectrum including unions. This was in spite of the fact that our unions were affiliated to the ETUC which strongly opposed the opt-out clause. The GWU’s position was closest to that of the ETUC as it supported the position that the opt-out clause could only be operational if it were operated through collective bargaining by a trade union on behalf of the workers. The idea is to regulate this opt-out clause so as not to endanger flexibility while guaranteeing health and safety as well as a better work-life balance.

This is only the surface as new practices are being introduced which flagrantly breach this Directive. A case in point regards the conditions under which the security guards are employed by certain companies. In order to try to breach this Directive, the same employee is employed by several companies owned by the same employer. Such employees are made to work for long hours in excess of even the 60 hours, let alone the 48 hours stipulated by the Directive. As a result, the employer simply gets the cake and eats it as this practice also enables the employer not to pay any overtime.

The question begs itself. Are such practices and our stand at the EU level in line with the balance that needs to exist between work and family commitments? And if they are not, why wasn’t any pressure made on the Maltese government to change its EU position and stop such practices?

If we take the other issue, that of maternity leave, the proposition is to extend the present period by another four weeks. Again the main purpose of this extension is to bring a better balance between family and career commitments. Yet again, our position opposes this extension of the maternity leave by another four weeks.

What is the present position regarding maternity leave? It is important to see the wider perspective especially since the main opposition to both initiatives comes from the government and the employers on the pretext that it is hampering our competitiveness. This argument is wrong as competitiveness will not improve through bad conditions of work or by letting wages fall, reducing workers’ vocation leave, abolishing Christmas parties for workers or reducing the work-life balance – all characteristics of cheap labour.

Competitiveness is simply not based on cheap labour but rather on highly skilled labour, a highly motivated labour force, innovativeness, and a better work-life balance to increase the labour force itself and participation in the labour market. These, together with other important factors, including a reduced government budget and an innovative government which can identify our opportunities and markets where we enjoy a comparative advantage, create an environment which attracts new investments.

Apart from this, everyone knows that the amount of maternity leave taken in private industry is very low. This does not result due to lower fertility of the workers in the private industry but rather due to devious methods used by employers to have such workers retire from the labour market and thus eliminating the need of maternity leave.

It is important to look at the issue of competitiveness as it is the main reason that is being given locally to block such changes and win the public opinion to such a conservative stand.

Member State	Maternity Leave	Competitiveness Ranking
Austria	16 weeks	14
Belgium	15 weeks	19
Bulgaria	315 days	76
Czech Rep	28 weeks	33
Germany	14 weeks	7
Denmark	18 weeks	3
Estonia	140 days	32
Greece	17 weeks	67
Spain	16 weeks	29
Finland	105 days	6
France	16 weeks	16
Hungary	24 weeks	62
Ireland	42 weeks	22
Italy	5 months	49
Lithuania	126 days	44
Latvia	112 days	54
Malta	14 weeks	52
Netherlands	16 weeks	8
Poland	18 weeks	53
Portugal	120 days	43
Romania	126 days	68
Sweden	18 months	4
Slovenia	105 days	42
Slovak Rep	28 weeks	46
UK	52 weeks	1
Maternity Leave: Social Agenda 19, Dec 08 Competitiveness Ranking 2008/9: Global Competitiveness Report, WEF

The above table shows the number of maternity weeks that is given at law in 25 EU countries. Cyprus and Luxemburg are not included as they did not submit the information. If one analyses the competitiveness score with the number of weeks (maternity leave) one finds that the correlation coefficient is very low which indicates that competitiveness depends on other issues rather than the number of maternity weeks given. Thus the argument of competitiveness does not hold water.

But what are the arguments in favour of increasing maternity leave? At a time when we need to increase the employment rates, especially among the female population, women continue to represent a vast untapped potential to increase the labour force. Such measures as maternity leave will make work and family commitments more compatible and women would not need to decide either in favour of work or the family. Thus women participation in the labour market – a commitment we have under the Lisbon Agenda - would increase.

However, Ms Blair provided us with another justification. According to newspaper reports:

She admitted that in her case, she did not take much maternity leave, so as to prove that she could beat the men at their own game. But that, she said, was foolish, as it reinforced the obstacles which women faced. Maternity, she said, was special, and required special measures.
1 & 2 April 2009

It was a positive move that Ms Blair was hosted by the Prime Minister and his wife. I really hope that this might signify a change especially in government policies to really enhance the work-family balance. If we take this path, finally we might be putting our money where our mouth is!

Tghid Ghaliex

Dan l-ahhar kien hemm tlett okkazjonijiet li jindikaw il-protezzjoni li d-Divizjoni tal-Konsumaturi qed tipprovdi bit-taxxi taghna. Id-Divizjoni tal-Konsumaturi hi wahda mir-regolaturi li twaqqfet biex thares id-drittijiet tal-konsumaturi. Illum fejn il-kummerc jahdem bis-sistema tas-Suq, l-importanza ta’ dawn ir-regolaturi kibret ghaliex huma l-unika mekkanizmu pubbliku li ghad fadal biex jipprotegi lill-konsumaturi mill-eccessi tas-Suq.

L-ewwel okkazjoni kienet il-kwistjoni tal-hobz. Dan kien gie liberalizzat. Dan ifisser li l-prezzijiet jistghu jiccaqilqu minghajr il-htiega ta’ permessi mill-Gvern. Id-Divizjoni tal-Konsumaturi harget stqarrija. Jien hsibt li fl-ahhar id-Divizjoni kienet iccaqalqet biex tinforza l-htiega li l-hobz ikun immarkat kull kilo u li l-konsumaturi jhallsu skond l-uzin. Izda l-istqarrija kienet biex tinfurmana li issa l-prezz jista’ jiccaqlaq – xi haga li konna nafu. U ballec hekk gara, ghaliex lanqas lahqu ghaddew ftit jiem li l-prezz tela’.

Li jistaqsu l-konsumaturi, imma kif kull haga li tigi liberalizzata f’Malta, din mal-ewwel toghla? Il-kelma liberalizzazzjoni f’Malta llum saret tfisser gholi fil-prezzijiet minflok li s-suq jahdem ahjar ghall-konsumaturi. Dan ma garax biss f’dan is-settur, izda gara f’kull settur specjalment fis-settur bankarju.

Wara nqalghet kontroversja zghira jekk il-prezz hux ikkontrollat jew le. Il-Ministru Fenech qalilna li d-Divizjoni ser tinvestiga biex tara kif qed jahdem dan is-suq u li l-prezzijiet qed jingabru. Ghandi zewg diffikultajiet. L-ewwel, jekk qatt xi darba hux ser inkunu nafu r-rizultat. Darba diga’ kellna l-weghda li d-Divizjoni kienet ser tinvestiga c-charges li qed ihallsu l-genituri fi skejjel privati bhall-uniformijiet. S’issa ghadna ma smajna xejn minkejja li ghaddiet aktar minn sena. Tghid ghaliex?

It-tieni diffikulta’ tieghi hi kif tista’ tqabbel il-prezzijiet kif gie mwieghed? Fil-prezent, la l-Gvern u wisq anqas il-konsumaturi ma jistghu jqabblu l-prezz. Dan ghaliex il-prezz hu ta’ kull hobza u mhux kull kilo. Issa peress li l-hobza tvarja fl-uzin, ma tistax tqabbel il-prezzijiet. Hu ghalhekk li dan is-suq la qed jahdem u lanqas ser jahdem tajjeb. Sintendi, hawn il-konsumaturi ser ikollhom ihallsu ghal dan. Biex inkun preciz, s’issa naf b’hanut wiehed li qed juri l-prezz u l-uzin li suppost kull hobza fiha. Izda, peress li ma hemmx il-prezz kull kilo ta’ hobz kif titlob il-ligi, xorta ma tistax tqabbel il-prezz mad-daqqa t’ghajn.

L-inqas li stennejt minghand id-Divizjoni hu li jaraw li kull hanut juri l-prezz tal-hobz kull kilo. Bhal ma qal il-President tal-Koperattiva, issa l-hobz qed jinbiegh bhall-haxix. U hekk ghandu jinbiegh. Il-prezz ikun immarkat kull kilo u int thallas skond l-uzin li jkun fiha l-hobza. Izda ghal xi raguni d-Divizjoni dan ma tridx tara li dan isir. Tghid ghaliex?

It-tieni kwistjoni kienet dwar it-tariffi tad-dawl u l-ilma. Il-Membru Palamentari Joe Mizzi, ipprezenta zewg protesti gudizzjarji fejn insista li l-ilment li għamel lid-Direttur tal-Ufficcju tal-Kompetizzjoni Gusta biex jithassru l-avvizi legali dwar it-tariffi l-godda tad-dawl u l-ilma, huwa kaz urgenti li jimmerita azzjoni immedjata minhabba li tezisti sitwazzjoni li hija ta’ pregudizzju serju u rreparabbli ghall-interess ekonomiku generali. Wara zmien waslet ir-risposta. Fi ftit kliem, jekk fhimt sew dak li gie rrappurtat, din kienet tghid li Joe Mizzi ma mexiex mal-proceduri stabiliti. Ghalija din kienet ta’ sorpriza ghaliex jien hsibt li r-risposta kienet ser tkun li wara investigazzjoni, ma kien hemm l-ebda ksur tal-ligi tal-kompetizzjoni gusta jew li azzjoni diga’ ttiehdet. Bir-risposta li nghatat fil-qorti, sal-lum ma nafx jekk id-Divizjoni ghamlitx investigazzjoni. Tajjeb li nghidu li skond il-ligi d-Direttur setghet ghamlet investigazzjoni minn jeddha. Dan ma jidhirx li gara. Tghid ghaliex?

It-tielet kwistjoni li nqalghet kienet dwar il-prezz tal-medicini. Wara li kien hemm hafna pressjoni pubblika dwar il-prezzijiet tal-medicini, il-Gvern kien waqqaf kumitat biex jara li l-prezzijiet huma ‘fair and just’. Dan il-kumitat kien ghamel zmien jahdem u kien wasal biex l-ewwel passi li kellhom jittiehdu kienet li ghallanqas jekk ma nassigurawx li dawn huma ‘fair and just’, nassiguraw li l-prezzijiet huma fil-medja ta’ prezzijiet tal-pajjizi tal-Unjoni Ewropea.

Il-metodu li kellu jintuza biex niehdu l-medja kien li ntghazlu 9 pajjizi – tlieta li kellhom il-prezzijiet taghhom normalment l-aktar gholjin, 3 pajjizi li normalment kellhom il-prezzijiet taghhom baxxi u tliet pajjizi li normalment ikollhom il-prezzijiet taghhom fin-nofs. Kienet ittiehdet lista ta’ medicinali u bdew jigu kkomparati l-prezzijiet taghhom. Dan ix-xoghol kien fdat lid-Divizjoni tal-Konsumaturi. Safejn naf jien kien hemm tnejn min-nies li kienu qed jahdmu fuqha.

Il-mistoqsija tieghi hi ghaliex kien hemm daqstant ftit nies li qed jahdmu fuqha specjalment meta kwistjoni bhal din ghandha daqshekk importanza. Dan ghaliex is-sahha hi wahda mill-aktar affarijiet importanti u jidher li resqin lejn sitwazzjoni fejn il-pazjenti mhux ser ikollhom l-ebda ghajnuna biex jiffinanzjaw din l-ispiza. Tghid ghaliex?

Difficli li nkunu nafu ghaliex ghax ma jkunx hemm twegibiet. Ghalhekk nappella lill-Awditur biex jara ghaliex u jinfurmana. Ma nistennewx rapport bhal tas-soltu li jsemmu l-hela biss. Irridu nkunu nafu jekk ahniex qed niehdu ghal dak li qed inhallsu ghalih meta kkomparat mal-Office of Fair Trading Ingliz. Hekk biss forsi inkunu nafu ghaliex.

Published in Torca 19th April 2009